STEPHANOPOULOS: And meanwhile, Prime Minister Netanyahu has made it pretty clear that he agreed with President Obama to give until the end of the year for this whole process of engagement to work. After that, he’s prepared to take matters into his own hands.
Is that the right approach?
BIDEN: Look, Israel can determine for itself as a sovereign nation what’s in their interest and what they decide to do relative to Iran and anyone else.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Whether we agree or not?
BIDEN: Whether we agree or not. They’re entitled to do that. Any sovereign nation is entitled to do that. But there is no pressure from any nation that’s going to alter our behavior as to how to proceed.
Georgetown international law expert Tony Arend opines:
From the perspective of international law, Biden’s comments are actually quite troubling. Under the United Nations Charter, states do not have the unilateral sovereign right to use military force “if they make a determination, that they’re existentially threatened, their survival is threatened by another country.” States have the right to use force in self-defense under Article 51 “if an armed attack occurs.” Most commentators would argue that customary international law recognizes that states can use force in self-defense in advance of an actual armed attack, if such attack is imminent.
By using this formulation, Biden is going well beyond the Charter framework for the use of force. ...
Interestingly enough, Biden’s comments seems to be consistent with the controversial position on preemption articulated by the Bush Administration in the 2002 National Security Strategy. Is that really where the Obama Administration wants to be? I wonder whether others in the Administration will issue a “clarification” of the Vice President’s comments? If not, Biden’s comments may just be yet another indicator that the UN Charter framework for the recourse to force is dead.
It may also be another example of how Obama's foreign policy is less of a change from that of Bush 43 than some expected.
First, Jesse Ventura. Now, Al Franken. Out here in California, by way of contrast, we had the good taste to select Ronald Reagan and Arnold Schwarzenegger. The Gipper and The Terminator would whip The Body and Stuart Smalley any day of the week.
Colin Powell, one of President Obama's most prominent Republican supporters, expressed concern Friday that the president's ambitious blitz of costly initiatives may be enlarging the size of government and the federal debt too much.
"I'm concerned at the number of programs that are being presented, the bills associated with these programs and the additional government that will be needed to execute them," Mr. Powell said in an excerpt of an interview with CNN's John King, released by the network Friday morning.
Well, duh.
My first mock draft of 2009. A 12 team, PPR, snake draft, 2 RB, 2 WR, one RB/WR flex, 1 QB, 1 TE, ! DST, 1 K league:
Matthew Cooper makes a good (if somewhat obvious) point:
Sarah Palin's stunning announcement that she'd not only decline to seek reelection as Alaska's Governor in 2010 but that she'd resign her term later this month caught everyone by surprise. After all, can you think of another presidential candidate who resigned their office to seek the presidency? Jimmy Carter and Mitt Romney had left their governorships when they sought the White House. Bill Clinton remained as Arkansas governor when he sought the presidency. George McClellan was fired by Lincoln before he ran for the presidency in 1864. The last person I can think of who left government service to run for the presidency was Dwight Eisenhower who gave up his NATO command in the Spring of 1952 and garnered the GOP presidendtial nomination a couple of months later. That's far different from cutting out of elective office 18 months before you're scheduled to leave.
Okay, so why would Palin do this on a Friday before a holday, traditionally a day for dumping bad news? A couple of theories:
... She has more bad news to report. There's something going on with her family again. There's more to come with the state's finance. Whatever. There's no good reason for her to suddenly up and quit the governorship, her one claim on elective experience.
The prospect that there's dirt coming is going to send a lot of people suffering from Palin Obsession Syndrome (yes, I mean you, Andrew, among others) into a major tizzy this weekend.
Look, maybe if we all give it a rest, Palin will just go away. She's an attention whore and she'll probably wither away if we stop paying attention.
1. The worst thing about Sarah Palin's decision to step down as Governor to focus on running for the presidency is that it'll make Andrew Sullivan even more monomaniacal. Andy: Give it a rest once in a while!
I'm sending this one to Glenn and Eugene:
The LA Times has an interactive feature that lets you devise a plan for balancing the California budget with program cuts and tax increases. My solution avoided major tax increases and cuts to education, while slashing much else. See it here.
Paul Krugman thinks that:
The standard competitive market model just doesn’t work for health care: adverse selection and moral hazard are so central to the enterprise that nobody, nobody expects free-market principles to be enough.
Whenever I see such nonsense, I have to keep reminding myself that the trade theories for which Krugman won his Nobel Prize were explanatory and predictive. Krugman did not win a prize for mechanism design; he could not have predicted E-bay.
The idea of people bidding for stuff they can’t really see from people that they’ve never met is fraught with adverse selection and moral hazard. Honest sellers could not hope to compete with liars selling competitive products. Honest bidders could not hope to competing with fraudulent bids that may not be honored. Such a market, according to the “standard competitive market model” could never exist.
Except that it does....
Krugman pretends that insurance plans are doomed by the existence of adverse selection and moral hazard. Yet we see thriving markets in insurance products of all sorts, including our huge private market in health insurance. One can argue their imperfections, and perhaps blame them on the “free market,” although a free market does not exist for most insurance products, least of all health insurance. But widely-used, competitive insurance products can clearly exist without government–something that ordinary people might one day forget some decades after our health care has become socialized. ...
Even real-world markets, unlike the straw man “free market” that Krugman attacks, deal with adverse selection and moral hazard in insuring for every conceivable risk. Mechanisms like deductibles or co-insurance go a long way toward rationalizing insurance economics. Other mechanisms could certainly be developed if the insurance markets weren’t so regulated as to severely curtail such innovation. Why does Krugman suppose that “free markets” cannot evolve more elaborate mechanisms? More importantly, why does he suppose that the government mechanisms will be any more efficient?
The simple fact is that we don't know what a free market in health care and health insurance would look like, because we've never had one. Since the 1940s, tax policies -- i.e., health benefits are deductible to the employer and not taxable income to the employee -- that eviscerated market forces. Consumers simply didn't have to make choices about health care that they had to make about everything else.
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